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2028年全球情报危机(原文+翻译)

日期:2026-05-29 09:04 来源:平采软件服务
2028年全球情报危机(原文+翻译)
这篇名为《2028全球智能危机》的思想实验,以金融史的视角勾勒出一个令人警醒的未来图景:当AI能力呈指数级提升时,经济系统可能面临的系统性崩塌。文章通过虚构的2028年宏观备忘录形式,揭示了三个相互强化的危机链条——从白领岗位的「智能替代螺旋」到金融体系的「抵押贷款危机」,再到政策反应的「结构性滞后」,构建了一个没有自然刹车机制的负反馈循环
最值得深思的是其对传统经济逻辑的颠覆性拷问:当人类智力不再是稀缺资源,建立在「人力资本溢价」基础上的现代经济制度(从税收体系到信贷评估)将如何重构?文中提出的「幽灵GDP」「习惯性中介瓦解」「机器间零摩擦交易」等概念,精准击中了当前AI讨论中被忽视的系统性风险
这既非技术悲观主义的宣泄,也非盲目乐观的颂歌,而是一份关于「未雨绸缪」的严肃推演。正如作者强调的「现在阅读此文的意义,在于我们仍有机会避免最坏路径」。推荐每一位关注技术变革与经济未来的读者细读,或许能帮助我们在AI狂飙的时代,提前识别那些「房间里的大象」

Preface 前言

What if our AI bullishness continues to be right...and what if that’s actually bearish?如果我们对人工智能的乐观预期继续保持正确……而如果这实际上是看跌的呢?

What follows is a scenario, not a prediction. This isn’t bear porn or AI doomer fan-fiction. The sole intent of this piece is modeling a scenario that’s been relatively underexplored. Our friend Alap Shah posed the question, and together we brainstormed the answer. We wrote this part, and he’s written two others you can find here.以下内容描述的是一个情景,而非预测。 这不是什么耸人听闻的熊类题材作品,也不是人工智能末日论者的同人小说。本文的唯一目的是模拟一个相对鲜为人知的情景。我们的朋友阿拉普·沙阿提出了这个问题,我们一起集思广益,探讨了答案。本文由我们撰写,他撰写了另外两部分,您可以在这里找到 。

Hopefully, reading this leaves you more prepared for potential left tail risks as AI makes the economy increasingly weird.

希望阅读本文后,您能更好地应对人工智能使经济日益怪异化所带来的潜在左尾风险。

This is the CitriniResearch Macro Memo from June 2028, detailing the progression and fallout of the Global Intelligence Crisis.这是 CitriniResearch 于 2028 年 6 月发布的宏观备忘录,详细介绍了全球情报危机的进展和影响。



Macro Memo 宏备忘录

The Consequences of Abundant Intelligence智力过剩的后果

CitriniResearch

February 22nd, 2026 June 30th, 20282026 年 2 月 22 日 - 2028 年 6 月 30 日

The unemployment rate printed 10.2% this morning, a 0.3% upside surprise. The market sold off 2% on the number, bringing the cumulative drawdown in the S&P to 38% from its October 2026 highs.

今天上午公布的失业率为10.2%,比预期高出0.3个百分点。受此数据影响,市场下跌2%,标普500指数较2026年10月高点累计下跌38%。

Traders have grown numb. Six months ago, a print like this would have triggered a circuit breaker.

交易员们已经麻木了。六个月前,这样的财报会触发熔断机制。

Two years.That’s all it took to get from “contained” and “sector-specific” to an economy that no longer resembles the one any of us grew up in. This quarter’s macro memo is our attempt to reconstruct the sequence - a post-mortem on the pre-crisis economy.两年。仅此而已,经济就从“可控”和“特定行业”转变为一个与我们任何人成长过程中所熟悉的截然不同的经济体。本季度宏观经济备忘录旨在重构这一过程——对危机前经济进行一次事后分析。

The euphoria was palpable. By October 2026, the S&P 500 flirted with 8000, the Nasdaq broke above 30k. The initial wave of layoffs due to human obsolescence began in early 2026, and they did exactly what layoffs are supposed to. Margins expanded, earnings beat, stocks rallied. Record-setting corporate profits were funneled right back into AI compute.

当时的欣喜之情溢于言表。到2026年10月,标普500指数逼近8000点,纳斯达克指数突破3万点。由于劳动力淘汰,第一波裁员潮于2026年初开始,而裁员也确实达到了预期效果:利润率扩大,盈利超出预期,股市飙升。创纪录的企业利润被大量投入到人工智能计算领域。

The headline numbers were still great. Nominal GDP repeatedly printed mid-to-high single-digit annualized growth. Productivity was booming. Real output per hour rose at rates not seen since the 1950s, driven by AI agents that don’t sleep, take sick days or require health insurance.

总体经济数据依然亮眼。名义 GDP 年化增长率持续保持在中高个位数水平。生产率蓬勃发展。在无需睡眠、无需请病假、无需医疗保险的人工智能代理的推动下,实际每小时产出增速达到了上世纪 50 年代以来的最高水平。

The owners of compute saw their wealth explode as labor costs vanished. Meanwhile, real wage growth collapsed. Despite the administration’s repeated boasts of record productivity, white-collar workers lost jobs to machines and were forced into lower-paying roles.

随着劳动力成本的消失,计算机技术的拥有者们的财富呈爆炸式增长。与此同时,实际工资增长却急剧下滑。尽管政府一再吹嘘生产力创下历史新高,但白领工人却因机器取代了工作,被迫从事低薪工作。

When cracks began appearing in the consumer economy, economic pundits popularized the phrase “Ghost GDP“: output that shows up in the national accounts but never circulates through the real economy. 当消费经济开始出现裂痕时,经济评论家们推广了“ 幽灵 GDP ” 一词 :指出现在国民账户中但从未在实体经济中流通的产出。

In every way AI was exceeding expectations, and the market was AI. The only problem…the economy was not.人工智能在各个方面都超出了预期,市场也完全被人工智能主导。 唯一的问题是…… 经济却并非如此。

It should have been clear all along that a single GPU cluster in North Dakota generating the output previously attributed to 10,000 white-collar workers in midtown Manhattan is more economic pandemic than economic panacea. The velocity of money flatlined. The human-centric consumer economy, 70% of GDP at the time, withered. We probably could have figured this out sooner if we just asked how much money machines spend on discretionary goods. (Hint: it’s zero.)

从一开始就应该很清楚,北达科他州一个 GPU 集群所产生的产出,相当于之前曼哈顿中城 1 万名白领的产出,与其说是经济灵丹妙药,不如说是经济瘟疫。货币流通速度停滞不前。以人为本的消费经济(当时占 GDP 的 70%)萎缩了。如果我们当初问问这些“造钱机器”在非必需品上的支出是多少,或许就能更早明白这一点了。(提示:零。)

AI capabilities improved, companies needed fewer workers, white collar layoffs increased, displaced workers spent less, margin pressure pushed firms to invest more in AI, AI capabilities improved…

人工智能能力提升,企业所需员工减少,白领裁员增加,失业员工消费减少,利润压力迫使企业加大对人工智能的投资,人工智能能力提升……

It was a negative feedback loop with no natural brake. The humanintelligence displacement spiral. White-collar workers saw their earnings power (and, rationally, their spending) structurally impaired. Their incomes were the bedrock of the $13 trillion mortgage market - forcing underwriters to reassess whether prime mortgages are still money good. 这是一个没有自然制止的负反馈循环,是人类智能被取代的螺旋式下降 。白领工人的收入能力(以及理性地讲,他们的消费能力)受到了结构性损害。他们的收入是 13 万亿美元抵押贷款市场的基石——这迫使承销商重新评估优质抵押贷款是否仍然具有吸引力。

Seventeen years without a real default cycle had left privates bloated with PE-backed software deals that assumed ARR would remain recurring. The first wave of defaults due to AI disruption in mid-2027 challenged that assumption.

长达十七年没有出现真正的违约周期,导致私募股权支持的软件交易使私营企业臃肿不堪,这些交易都基于一个假设:年度经常性收入(ARR)将持续存在。然而,2027 年年中由人工智能颠覆引发的第一波违约浪潮挑战了这一假设。

This would have been manageable if the disruption remained contained to software, but it didn’t. By the end of 2027, it threatened every business model predicated on intermediation. Swaths of companies built on monetizing friction for humans disintegrated.

如果这场变革仅限于软件领域,或许还能勉强应对,但事实并非如此。到2027年底,它威胁到了所有依赖中介服务的商业模式。大量依靠人际摩擦盈利的公司纷纷瓦解。

The system turned out to be one long daisy chain of correlated bets on white-collar productivity growth. The November 2027 crash only served to accelerate all of the negative feedback loops already in place.

事实证明,这套体系不过是一系列围绕白领生产力增长而展开的连锁押注。2027年11月的崩盘只会加速所有已存在的负反馈循环。

We’ve been waiting for “bad news is good news” for almost a year now. The government is starting to consider proposals, but public faith in the ability of the government to stage any sort of rescue has dwindled. Policy response has always lagged economic reality, but lack of a comprehensive plan is now threatening to accelerate a deflationary spiral.

我们已经等了将近一年,“坏消息也是好消息”这句话终于应验了。政府开始考虑一些方案,但公众对政府出台任何形式的救助措施的信心已经大打折扣。政策反应总是滞后于经济现实,而如今缺乏全面计划正有可能加速通缩螺旋式上升。


How It Started 它的起源

In late 2025, agentic coding tools took a step function jump in capability.

2025 年末,智能编码工具的能力实现了飞跃式提升。

A competent developer working with Claude Code or Codex could now replicate the core functionality of a mid-market SaaS product in weeks. Not perfectly or with every edge case handled, but well enough that the CIO reviewing a $500k annual renewal started asking the question “what if we just built this ourselves?”

一位熟练的开发人员现在可以使用 Claude Code 或 Codex 在几周内复制一款中端市场 SaaS 产品的核心功能。虽然不能做到完美,也不能处理所有极端情况,但足以让正在审查 50 万美元年度续约合同的首席信息官开始质疑“如果我们自己开发这个产品会怎么样?”

Fiscal years mostly line up with calendar years, so 2026 enterprise spend had been set in Q4 2025, when “agentic AI” was still a buzzword. The mid-year review was the first time procurement teams were making decisions with visibility into what these systems could actually do. Some watched their own internal teams spin up prototypes replicating six-figure SaaS contracts in weeks.

财政年度通常与日历年一致,因此 2026 年的企业支出计划早在 2025 年第四季度就已确定,当时“智能体人工智能”还只是个热门词汇。年中评估是采购团队首次在充分了解这些系统实际功能的情况下做出决策。一些团队甚至亲眼目睹了内部团队在短短几周内就搭建出原型系统,并成功复制了价值六位数的 SaaS 合同。

That summer, we spoke with a procurement manager at a Fortune 500. He told us about one of his budget negotiations. The salesperson had expected to run the same playbook as last year: a 5% annual price increase, the standard “your team depends on us” pitch. The procurement manager told him he’d been in conversations with OpenAI about having their “forward deployed engineers” use AI tools to replace the vendor entirely. They renewed at a 30% discount. That was a good outcome, he said. The “long-tail of SaaS”, like Monday.com, Zapier and Asana, had it much worse. 那年夏天,我们采访了一位财富 500 强企业的采购经理。他跟我们讲了他的一次预算谈判经历。销售人员原本打算沿用去年的策略:每年涨价 5%,老套的“你们的团队依赖我们”的说辞。采购经理告诉他,他一直在和 OpenAI 洽谈,希望他们能让“前线部署的工程师”使用 AI 工具,彻底取代现有供应商。最终,OpenAI 以七折的价格续约。他说,这已经算是不错的结果了。而像 Monday.com 、Zapier 和 Asana 这样的“长尾 SaaS”公司,情况就糟糕得多。

Investors were prepared - expectant, even - that the long tail would be hit hard. They may have made up a third of spending for the typical enterprise stack, but they were obviously exposed. The systems of record, however, were supposed to be safe from disruption.

投资者早已做好准备,甚至预料到长尾技术会受到重创。尽管它们可能占典型企业技术栈支出的三分之一,但显然也面临着风险。然而,记录系统本应免受干扰。

It wasn’t until ServiceNow’s Q3 26 report that the mechanism of reflexivity became clearer.

直到 ServiceNow 的 2026 年第三季度报告发布后,反身性的机制才变得更加清晰。

SERVICENOW NET NEW ACV GROWTH DECELERATES TO 14% FROM 23%; ANNOUNCES 15% WORKFORCE REDUCTION AND ‘STRUCTURAL EFFICIENCY PROGRAM’; SHARES FALL 18% | Bloomberg, October 2026ServiceNow 净新增年度合同价值 (ACV) 增速从 23% 放缓至 14%;宣布裁员 15% 并推出“结构效率提升计划”;股价下跌 18% | 彭博社,2026 年 10 月

SaaS wasn’t “dead”. There was still a cost-benefit-analysis to running and supporting in-house builds. But in-house was an option, and that factored into pricing negotiations. Perhaps more importantly, the competitive landscape had changed. AI had made it easier to develop and ship new features, so differentiation collapsed. Incumbents were in a race to the bottom on pricing - a knife-fight with both each other and with the new crop of upstart challengers that popped up. Emboldened by the leap in agentic coding capabilities and with no legacy cost structure to protect, these aggressively took share. SaaS 并未“消亡”。运行和维护内部构建仍然需要进行成本效益分析。但内部构建一种选择,这会影响价格谈判。或许更重要的是,竞争格局已经改变。人工智能让开发和发布新功能变得更加容易,差异化优势也随之消失。现有企业陷入了价格战的恶性循环——既要与彼此竞争,又要与涌现出的新兴挑战者展开殊死搏斗。这些新兴挑战者凭借着智能编码能力的飞跃式发展,并且无需维护任何传统成本结构,积极抢占市场份额。

The interconnected nature of these systems weren’t fully appreciated until this print, either. ServiceNow sold seats. When Fortune 500 clients cut 15% of their workforce, they cancelled 15% of their licenses. The same AI-driven headcount reductions that were boosting margins at their customers were mechanically destroying their own revenue base.

直到这篇文章发表,人们才真正意识到这些系统之间的相互关联。ServiceNow 出售的是服务席位。当财富 500 强客户裁员 15% 时,他们也取消了 15% 的服务许可。同样的 AI 驱动的裁员措施,在提升客户利润率的同时,也机械地摧毁了 ServiceNow 自身的收入基础。

The company that sold workflow automation was being disrupted by better workflow automation, and its response was to cut headcount and use the savings to fund the very technology disrupting it.

这家销售工作流程自动化服务的公司受到了更先进的工作流程自动化服务的冲击,它的应对措施是裁员,并将节省下来的资金用于资助颠覆它的技术。

What else were they supposed to do? Sit still and die slower? The companies most threatened by AI became AI’s most aggressive adopters.他们还能怎么办? 坐以待毙吗? 那些最受人工智能威胁的公司,反而成了人工智能最积极的采用者。

This sounds obvious in hindsight, but it really wasn’t at the time (at least to me). The historical disruption model said incumbents resist new technology, they lose share to nimble entrants and die slowly. That’s what happened to Kodak, to Blockbuster, to BlackBerry. What happened in 2026 was different; the incumbents didn’t resist because they couldn’t afford to.

事后看来这似乎显而易见,但当时(至少对我而言)并非如此。历史颠覆模式认为,现有企业会抵制新技术,最终被灵活的新进入者蚕食市场份额,走向衰亡。柯达、百视达和黑莓的遭遇正是如此。但2026年的情况却截然不同;现有企业之所以没有抵制,是因为它们无力承担抵制的代价。

With stocks down 40-60% and boards demanding answers, the AI-threatened companies did the only thing they could. Cut headcount, redeploy the savings into AI tools, use those tools to maintain output with lower costs.

由于股价下跌40%至60%,董事会要求给出解释,这些受到人工智能威胁的公司别无选择,只能裁员,将节省下来的资金投入人工智能工具,并利用这些工具以更低的成本维持产量。

Each company’s individual response was rational. The collective result was catastrophic. Every dollar saved on headcount flowed into AI capability that made the next round of job cuts possible.

每家公司各自的应对措施都合情合理,但最终结果却是灾难性的。节省下来的每一分钱都投入到了人工智能研发中,而这又为下一轮裁员铺平了道路。

Software was only the opening act. What investors missed while they debated whether SaaS multiples had bottomed was that the reflexive loop had already escaped the software sector. The same logic that justified ServiceNow cutting headcount applied to every company with a white-collar cost structure. 软件只是开场。 投资者们在争论 SaaS 估值倍数是否触底时,忽略了软件行业早已陷入了恶性循环。ServiceNow 裁员的逻辑同样适用于所有采用白领成本结构的公司。


When Friction Went to Zero当摩擦力变为零时

By early 2027, LLM usage had become default. People were using AI agents who didn’t even know what an AI agent was, in the same way people who never learned what “cloud computing” was used streaming services. They thought of it the same way they thought of autocomplete or spell-check - a thing their phone just did now.

到 2027 年初,LLM 的使用已成为默认选项。人们在使用人工智能代理,甚至不知道人工智能代理是什么,就像那些从未了解过“云计算”的人使用流媒体服务一样。他们看待人工智能代理的方式,就像看待自动补全或拼写检查一样——手机现在自动具备的功能。

Qwen’s open-source agentic shopper was the catalyst for AI handling consumer decisions. Within weeks, every major AI assistant had integrated some agentic commerce feature. Distilled models meant these agents could run on phones and laptops, not just cloud instances, reducing the marginal cost of inference significantly.

Qwen 的开源智能购物助手是人工智能处理消费者决策的催化剂。短短几周内,所有主流人工智能助手都集成了某种智能购物功能。精简的模型意味着这些智能助手不仅可以在云端运行,还可以在手机和笔记本电脑上运行,从而显著降低了推理的边际成本。

The part that should have unsettled investors more than it did was that these agents didn’t wait to be asked. They ran in the background according to the user’s preferences. Commerce stopped being a series of discrete human decisions and became a continuous optimization process, running 24/7 on behalf of every connected consumer. By March 2027, the median individual in the United States was consuming 400,000 tokens per day - 10x since the end of 2026.

真正令投资者感到不安的是,这些代理并非被动等待用户请求,而是根据用户的偏好在后台运行。商业活动不再是一系列独立的人工决策,而变成了一个持续不断的优化过程,全天候为每一位联网消费者服务。到2027年3月,美国人均日均代币消费量将达到40万枚,是2026年底的10倍。

The next link in the chain was already breaking.

链条上的下一个环节已经开始断裂。

Intermediation. 中介。

Over the past fifty years, the U.S. economy built a giant rent-extraction layer on top of human limitations: things take time, patience runs out, brand familiarity substitutes for diligence, and most people are willing to accept a bad price to avoid more clicks. Trillions of dollars of enterprise value depended on those constraints persisting.

过去五十年,美国经济在人类局限性之上构建了一层巨大的寻租机制:做事需要时间,耐心会耗尽,品牌知名度可以替代勤奋,而且大多数人为了避免点击量,宁愿接受低价。数万亿美元的企业价值都依赖于这些限制的持续存在。

It started out simple enough. Agents removed friction.

一切都始于一个简单的过程:代理人消除摩擦。

Subscriptions and memberships that passively renewed despite months of disuse. Introductory pricing that sneakily doubled after the trial period. Each one was rebranded as a hostage situation that agents could negotiate. The average customer lifetime value, the metric the entire subscription economy was built on, distinctly declined.

即使数月未使用,订阅和会员资格仍会自动续订。试用期结束后,价格悄然翻倍。所有这些都被重新包装成代理人可以谈判的“人质危机”。作为整个订阅经济体系赖以建立的指标——平均客户终身价值——显著下降。

Consumer agents began to change how nearly all consumer transactions worked.

消费者代理开始改变几乎所有消费者交易的运作方式。

Humans don’t really have the time to price-match across five competing platforms before buying a box of protein bars. Machines do.

人类在购买一盒蛋白棒之前,根本没有时间在五个竞争平台上进行价格比对。但机器可以。

Travel booking platforms were an early casualty, because they were the simplest. By Q4 2026, our agents could assemble a complete itinerary (flights, hotels, ground transport, loyalty optimization, budget constraints, refunds) faster and cheaper than any platform.

旅游预订平台由于操作最简单,很快就被淘汰了。到2026年第四季度,我们的代理商能够比任何平台更快、更便宜地安排完整的行程(包括机票、酒店、地面交通、会员积分优化、预算限制和退款)。

Insurance renewals, where the entire renewal model depended on policyholder inertia, were reformed. Agents that re-shop your coverage annually dismantled the 15-20% of premiums that insurers earned from passive renewals.

保险续保制度进行了改革,此前该制度的整个续保模式都依赖于投保人的被动续保行为。每年都会重新比较不同保险公司保单的代理人,打破了保险公司从被动续保中获得的15%到20%的保费收入。

Financial advice. Tax prep. Routine legal work. Any category where the service provider’s value proposition was ultimately “I will navigate complexity that you find tedious” was disrupted, as the agents found nothing tedious.

财务咨询、税务筹划、日常法律事务——任何服务提供商的价值主张最终都是“我会帮你处理那些让你觉得繁琐的复杂事务”的领域都受到了冲击,因为从业人员觉得这些事情并不繁琐。

Even places we thought insulated by the value of human relationships proved fragile. Real estate, where buyers had tolerated 5-6% commissions for decades because of information asymmetry between agent and consumer, crumbled once AI agents equipped with MLS access and decades of transaction data could replicate the knowledge base instantly. A sell-side piece from March 2027 titled it “agent on agent violence”. The median buy-side commission in major metros had compressed from 2.5-3% to under 1%, and a growing share of transactions were closing with no human agent on the buy side at all.

即使是我们曾以为人际关系价值至上的领域,也暴露出脆弱的一面。房地产行业,由于经纪人和消费者之间存在信息不对称,买家几十年来一直容忍着 5-6%的佣金,但随着配备 MLS 访问权限和数十年交易数据的 AI 经纪人能够瞬间复制知识库,这种不对称的局面迅速瓦解。一篇发表于 2027 年 3 月的卖方文章将其标题定为“经纪人之间的暴力”。主要都市地区的买方佣金中位数已从 2.5-3%压缩至 1%以下,而且越来越多的交易甚至完全没有买方经纪人的参与。

We had overestimated the value of “human relationships”. Turns out that a lot of what people called relationships was simply friction with a friendly face.

我们高估了“人际关系”的价值。结果发现,人们所谓的很多关系,只不过是和一张友善的面孔之间的摩擦而已。

That was just the start of the disruption for the intermediation layer. Successful companies had spent billions to effectively exploit quirks of consumer behavior and human psychology that didn’t matter anymore.

这仅仅是中介层变革的开始。成功的公司曾花费数十亿美元来有效地利用消费者行为和人类心理的怪癖,而这些怪癖如今已不再重要。

Machines optimizing for price and fit do not care about your favorite app or the websites you’ve been habitually opening for the last four years, nor feel the pull of a well-designed checkout experience. They don’t get tired and accept the easiest option or default to “I always just order from here”.

那些以价格和适配性为优化目标的机器,不会在意你最喜欢的应用程序,也不会在意你过去四年里经常访问的网站,更不会被精心设计的结账体验所吸引。它们不会感到疲倦,也不会选择最简单的方案,更不会默认“我总是从这里订购”。

That destroyed a particular kind of moat: habitual intermediation.这摧毁了一种特殊的护城河: 习惯性的中介。

DoorDash (DASH US) was the poster child.

DoorDash(DASH US)是典型代表。

Coding agents had collapsed the barrier to entry for launching a delivery app. A competent developer could deploy a functional competitor in weeks, and dozens did, enticing drivers away from DoorDash and Uber Eats by passing 90-95% of the delivery fee through to the driver. Multi-app dashboards let gig workers track incoming jobs from twenty or thirty platforms at once, eliminating the lock-in that the incumbents depended on. The market fragmented overnight and margins compressed to nearly nothing.

代码代理的出现大大降低了外卖应用的准入门槛。一个合格的开发者只需几周就能推出一款功能齐全的竞品应用,而事实上,数十家开发者都这么做了,他们通过将 90%到 95%的配送费直接支付给司机,成功吸引了 DoorDash 和 Uber Eats 的司机。多平台集成的控制面板让零工人员可以同时追踪来自二三十个平台的订单,彻底打破了现有平台赖以生存的锁定效应。市场一夜之间碎片化,利润空间被压缩到几乎为零。

Agents accelerated both sides of the destruction. They enabled the competitors and then they used them. The DoorDash moat was literally “you’re hungry, you’re lazy, this is the app on your home screen.” An agent doesn’t have a home screen. It checks DoorDash, Uber Eats, the restaurant’s own site, and twenty new vibe-coded alternatives so it can pick the lowest fee and fastest delivery every time.

代理商加速了这场破坏的双方。他们扶持了竞争对手,然后又利用了他们。DoorDash 的护城河其实就是“你饿了,你懒得动弹,这就是你手机主屏幕上的应用”。而代理商可没有主屏幕。他们会查看 DoorDash、Uber Eats、餐厅官网,以及二十个根据自身喜好筛选的替代平台,以便每次都能选择最低的费用和最快的配送速度。

Habitual app loyalty, the entire basis of the business model, simply didn’t exist for a machine.

用户习惯性应用忠诚度是整个商业模式的基础,但机器根本不存在这种忠诚度。

This was oddly poetic, as perhaps the only example in this entire saga of agents doing a favor for the soon-to-be-displaced white collar workers. When they ended up as delivery drivers, at least half their earnings weren’t going to Uber and DoorDash. Of course, this favor from technology didn’t last for long as autonomous vehicles proliferated.

这颇具讽刺意味,或许是整个事件中唯一一个科技公司为即将失业的白领们提供帮助的例子。当他们最终成为外卖员时,至少有一半的收入不再流向优步和 DoorDash。当然,随着自动驾驶汽车的普及,科技带来的这种“恩惠”并没有持续太久。

Once agents controlled the transaction, they went looking for bigger paperclips.

一旦特工们控制了交易,他们就开始寻找更大的回形针。

There was only so much price-matching and aggregating to do. The biggest way to repeatedly save the user money (especially when agents started transacting among themselves) was to eliminate fees. In machine-to-machine commerce, the 2-3% card interchange rate became an obvious target.价格匹配和聚合功能毕竟有限。要想持续为用户省钱(尤其是在代理商之间开始交易之后),最有效的方法就是取消手续费。 在机器对机器的交易中, 2-3%的信用卡交易手续费自然成为了首要目标。

Agents went looking for faster and cheaper options than cards. Most settled on using stablecoins via Solana or Ethereum L2s, where settlement was near-instant and the transaction cost was measured in fractions of a penny.

代理商们开始寻找比银行卡更快更便宜的支付方式。大多数代理商最终选择使用通过 Solana 或以太坊 L2 层级支付的稳定币,这种方式结算几乎是即时的,交易成本也仅为几美分。

MASTERCARD Q1 2027: NET REVENUES +6% Y/Y; PURCHASE VOLUME GROWTH SLOWS TO +3.4% Y/Y FROM +5.9% PRIOR QUARTER; MANAGEMENT NOTES “AGENT-LED PRICE OPTIMIZATION” AND “PRESSURE IN DISCRETIONARY CATEGORIES” | Bloomberg, April 29 2027万事达卡2027年第一季度业绩:净收入同比增长6%;购买量增速放缓至同比增长3.4%,低于上一季度的5.9%;管理层指出“代理商主导的价格优化”以及“非必需消费品类别面临压力” | 彭博社,2027年4月29日

Mastercard’s Q1 2027 report was the point of no return. Agentic commerce went from being a product story to a plumbing story. MA dropped 9% the following day. Visa did too, but pared losses after analysts pointed out its stronger positioning in stablecoin infrastructure.

万事达卡 2027 年第一季度财报成为了不可逆转的转折点。智能商务从产品故事变成了基础设施故事。第二天,万事达卡股价下跌了 9%。Visa 股价也下跌了,但在分析师指出其在稳定币基础设施领域更强大的地位后,跌幅有所收窄。

Agentic commerce routing around interchange posed a far greater risk to card-focused banks and mono-line issuers, who collected the majority of that 2-3% fee and had built entire business segments around rewards programs funded by the merchant subsidy.

代理商业绕过交换费的路由对以银行卡为中心的银行和单一业务发卡机构构成了更大的风险,这些银行和发卡机构收取了 2-3% 的费用的大部分,并围绕由商家补贴资助的奖励计划建立了整个业务部门。

American Express (AXP US) was hit hardest; a combined headwind from white-collar workforce reductions gutting its customer base and agents routing around interchange gutting its revenue model. Synchrony (SYF US), Capital One (COF US) and Discover (DFS US) all fell more than 10% over the following weeks, as well.

美国运通(AXP US)受到的冲击最大;白领员工裁员导致其客户群锐减,代理商为规避交易手续费而调整支付方式,也使其收入模式遭受重创。此后几周,Synchrony(SYF US)、Capital One(COF US)和 Discover(DFS US)的股价也均下跌超过 10%。

Their moats were made of friction. And friction was going to zero.它们的护城河是由摩擦力构成的。而摩擦力正趋于零。


From Sector Risk to Systemic Risk从行业风险到系统性风险

Through 2026, markets treated negative AI impact as a sector story. Software and consulting were getting crushed, payments and other toll booths were wobbly, but the broader economy seemed fine. The labor market, while softening, was not in freefall. The consensus view was that creative destruction was part of any technological innovation cycle. It would be painful in pockets, but the overall net positives from AI would outweigh any negatives.

到2026年,市场将人工智能的负面影响视为一个行业问题。软件和咨询行业遭受重创,支付和其他收费领域也出现波动,但整体经济似乎运行良好。劳动力市场虽然有所疲软,但并未出现自由落体式的下滑。普遍的观点是,创造性破坏是任何技术创新周期的一部分。人工智能在某些领域会带来痛苦,但总体而言,其带来的净收益将超过任何负面影响。

Our January 2027 macro memo argued this was the wrong mental model. The US economy is a white-collar services economy. White-collar workers represented 50% of employment and drove roughly 75% of discretionary consumer spending. The businesses and jobs that AI was chewing up were not tangential to the US economy, they were the US economy. 我们在 2027 年 1 月的宏观经济备忘录中指出,这种思维模式是错误的。美国经济本质上是一个白领服务型经济。白领工人占就业总数的 50%,并贡献了约 75%的可自由支配消费支出。人工智能正在蚕食的那些企业和工作岗位并非美国经济的边缘群体,它们本身就是美国经济的一部分。

“Technological innovation destroys jobs and then creates even more”. This was the most popular and convincing counter-argument at the time. It was popular and convincing because it’d been right for two centuries. Even if we couldn’t conceive of what the future jobs would be, they would surely arrive.

“技术创新会摧毁工作岗位,但随后又会创造更多工作岗位。”这是当时最流行、最有说服力的反驳论点。它之所以流行且有说服力,是因为它在过去两个世纪里都得到了验证。即使我们无法预见未来的工作岗位会是什么样子,它们也一定会到来。

ATMs made branches cheaper to operate so banks opened more of them and teller employment rose for the next twenty years. The internet disrupted travel agencies, the Yellow Pages, brick-and-mortar retail, but it invented entirely new industries in their place that conjured new jobs.

自动取款机降低了银行网点的运营成本,因此银行开设了更多网点,柜员就业人数在接下来的二十年里持续增长。互联网颠覆了旅行社、黄页和实体零售业,但它也催生了全新的产业,创造了新的就业机会。

Every new job, however, required a human to perform it.

然而,每一项新工作都需要人来完成。

AI is now a general intelligence that improves at the very tasks humans would redeploy to. Displaced coders cannot simply move to “AI management” because AI is already capable of that.

人工智能如今已发展成为一种通用智能,它能够更好地完成人类原本应该从事的工作。失业的程序员无法简单地转型为“人工智能管理”,因为人工智能本身就具备这种能力。

Today, AI agents handle many-weeks-long research and development tasks. The exponential steamrolled our conceptions of what was possible, even though every year Wharton professors tried to fit the data to a new sigmoid.

如今,人工智能代理可以处理长达数周的研发任务。指数级增长彻底颠覆了我们对可能性的认知,尽管沃顿商学院的教授们每年都试图用新的 S 型曲线拟合数据。

They write essentially all code. The highest performing of them are substantially smarter than almost all humans at almost all things. And they keep getting cheaper.

它们几乎编写了所有代码。其中性能最强的机器人,在几乎所有方面都比几乎所有人类都聪明得多。而且它们的成本还在不断降低。

AI has created new jobs. Prompt engineers. AI safety researchers. Infrastructure technicians. Humans are still in the loop, coordinating at the highest level or directing for taste. For every new role AI created, though, it rendered dozens obsolete. The new roles paid a fraction of what the old ones did. 人工智能创造了新的就业机会,例如应急工程师、人工智能安全研究员和基础设施技术人员。人类仍然参与其中,在最高层面进行协调或提供指导。然而,人工智能每创造一个新职位,就会使数十个旧职位过时。新职位的薪酬仅为旧职位的几分之一。

U.S. JOLTS: JOB OPENINGS FALL BELOW 5.5M; UNEMPLOYED-TO-OPENINGS RATIO CLIMBS TO ~1.7, HIGHEST SINCE AUG 2020 | Bloomberg, Oct 2026美国就业市场动荡:职位空缺降至550万以下;失业率与职位空缺比率升至约1.7,为2020年8月以来最高水平 | 彭博社,2026年10月

The hiring rate had been anemic all year, but October ‘26 JOLTS print provided some definitive data. Job openings fell below 5.5 million, a 15% decline YoY.

全年招聘率一直低迷,但 2026 年 10 月的 JOLTS 报告提供了一些确凿的数据。职位空缺数量降至 550 万以下,同比下降 15%。

INDEED: POSTINGS FALL SHARPLY IN SOFTWARE, FINANCE, CONSULTING AS “PRODUCTIVITY INITIATIVES” SPREAD | Indeed Hiring Lab, Nov–Dec 2026Indeed:随着“生产力提升计划”的推广,软件、金融和咨询行业的职位发布量大幅下降 | Indeed 招聘实验室,2026 年 11 月-12 月

White-collar openings were collapsing while blue-collar openings remained relatively stable (construction, healthcare, trades). The churn was in the jobs that write memos (we are, somehow, still in business), approve budgets, and keep the middle layers of the economy lubricated. Real wage growth in both cohorts, however, had been negative for the majority of the year and kept declining. 白领职位空缺大幅减少,而蓝领职位空缺则相对稳定(建筑、医疗保健、技工等行业)。人员流动主要集中在撰写备忘录 (我们居然还能继续运营) 、审批预算以及维持经济中层运转等岗位上。然而,这两个群体的实际工资增长在今年大部分时间里都为负值,并且持续下降。

The equity market still cared less about JOLTS than it did the news that all of GE Vernova’s turbine capacity was now sold out until 2040, it ambled sideways in a tug of war between negative macro news with positive AI infrastructure headlines.

股市对 JOLTS 的关注度仍然低于 GE Vernova 所有涡轮机产能已售罄至 2040 年的消息,在负面宏观经济消息和积极的人工智能基础设施新闻之间摇摆不定。

The bond market (always smarter than equities, or at least less romantic) began pricing the consumption hit, however. The 10-year yield began a descent from 4.3% to 3.2% over the following four months. Still, the headline unemployment rate did not blow out, the composition nuance was still lost on some.

债券市场(总是比股票市场更明智,或者至少不那么浪漫)开始对消费冲击进行定价。接下来的四个月里,10年期国债收益率从4.3%下降到3.2%。尽管如此,总体失业率并未飙升,但一些人仍然忽略了其中的构成差异。

In a normal recession, the cause eventually self-corrects. Overbuilding leads to a construction slowdown, which leads to lower rates, which leads to new construction. Inventory overshoot leads to destocking, which leads to restocking. The cyclical mechanism contains within it its own seeds of recovery.

在正常的经济衰退中,问题的根源最终会自我纠正。过度建设会导致建筑活动放缓,进而导致利率下降,最终促进新建筑的建设。库存过剩会导致库存减少,进而促进库存补充。这种周期性机制本身就蕴含着复苏的种子。

This cycle’s cause was not cyclical.这个周期的起因并非周期性因素。

AI got better and cheaper. Companies laid off workers, then used the savings to buy more AI capability, which let them lay off more workers. Displaced workers spent less. Companies that sell things to consumers sold fewer of them, weakened, and invested more in AI to protect margins. AI got better and cheaper.

人工智能变得更好、更便宜。公司裁员,然后用节省下来的钱购买更多的人工智能设备,这又使他们能够裁掉更多员工。失业员工的消费能力下降。面向消费者的公司销量减少,实力削弱,为了维持利润率,不得不加大对人工智能的投资。人工智能变得更好、更便宜。

A feedback loop with no natural brake.

一个没有自然制止机制的反馈回路。

The intuitive expectation was that falling aggregate demand would slow the AI buildout. It didn’t, because this wasn’t hyperscaler-style CapEx. It was OpEx substitution. A company that had been spending $100M a year on employees and $5M on AI now spent $70M on employees and $20M on AI. AI investment increased by multiples, but it occurred as a reduction in total operating costs. Every company’s AI budget grew while its overall spending shrank.

人们原本预期总需求下降会减缓人工智能的部署速度。但事实并非如此,因为这并非超大规模企业式的资本支出,而是运营支出的替代。一家公司过去每年在员工身上花费 1 亿美元,在人工智能上花费 500 万美元,现在则在员工身上花费 7000 万美元,在人工智能上花费 2000 万美元。人工智能投资成倍增长,但这是以总运营成本的降低为代价的。每家公司的人工智能预算都在增长,而其整体支出却在减少。

The irony of this was that the AI infrastructure complex kept performing even as the economy it was disrupting began deteriorating. NVDA was still posting record revenues. TSM was still running at 95%+ utilization. The hyperscalers were still spending $150-200 billion per quarter on data center capex. Economies that were purely convex to this trend, like Taiwan and Korea, outperformed massively.

讽刺的是,即便人工智能基础设施所颠覆的经济开始恶化,它依然保持着强劲的运行势头。英伟达(NVDA)的营收依然屡创新高。台积电(TSM)的利用率依然保持在 95%以上。超大规模数据中心运营商每季度在数据中心资本支出上仍然投入 1500 亿至 2000 亿美元。而像台湾和韩国这样完全顺应这一趋势的经济体,则表现远超预期。

India was the inverse. The country’s IT services sector exported over $200 billion annually, the single largest contributor to India’s current account surplus and the offset that financed its persistent goods trade deficit. The entire model was built on one value proposition: Indian developers cost a fraction of their American counterparts. But the marginal cost of an AI coding agent had collapsed to, essentially, the cost of electricity. TCS, Infosys and Wipro saw contract cancellations accelerate through 2027. The rupee fell 18% against the dollar in four months as the services surplus that had anchored India’s external accounts evaporated. By Q1 2028, the IMF had begun “preliminary discussions” with New Delhi.

印度的情况则截然相反。该国的 IT 服务业每年出口额超过 2000 亿美元,是印度经常账户盈余的最大贡献者,也是其长期货物贸易逆差的主要抵消来源。整个模式建立在一个价值主张之上:印度开发人员的成本仅为美国同行的几分之一。但人工智能编码代理的边际成本已大幅下降,几乎与电力成本相当。塔塔咨询服务公司(TCS)、印孚瑟斯(Infosys)和威普罗(Wipro)的合同取消潮持续到 2027 年。由于支撑印度对外账户的服务业盈余消失殆尽,卢比在四个月内对美元贬值了 18%。到 2028 年第一季度,国际货币基金组织(IMF)已开始与新德里进行“初步磋商”。

The engine that caused the disruption got better every quarter, which meant the disruption accelerated every quarter. There was no natural floor to the labor market.

造成市场动荡的因素每个季度都在增强,这意味着动荡的程度每个季度都在加剧。劳动力市场没有自然的下限。

In the US, we weren’t asking about how the bubble would burst in AI infrastructure anymore. We were asking what happens to a consumer-credit economy when consumers are being replaced with machines.在美国,我们不再讨论人工智能基础设施泡沫会如何破裂,而是讨论当消费者被机器取代时,消费信贷经济将会发生什么变化


The Intelligence Displacement Spiral情报转移螺旋

2027 was when the macroeconomic story stopped being subtle. The transmission mechanism from the previous twelve months of disjointed but clearly negative developments became obvious. You didn’t need to go into the BLS data. Just attend a dinner party with friends.

2027年,宏观经济形势不再隐晦。过去十二个月零散但明显负面的发展传导机制变得清晰可见。你无需查阅劳工统计局的数据,只需参加一次与朋友的晚宴即可。

Displaced white-collar workers did not sit idle. They downshifted. Many took lower-paying service sector and gig economy jobs, which increased labor supply in those segments and compressed wages there too.失业的白领并没有闲着,而是降低了工作强度。许多人转而从事收入较低的服务业和零工经济工作,这导致这些领域的劳动力供给增加,同时也压低了这些领域的工资水平。

A friend of ours was a senior product manager at Salesforce in 2025. Title, health insurance, 401k, $180,000 a year. She lost her job in the third round of layoffs. After six months of searching, she started driving for Uber. Her earnings dropped to $45,000. The point is less the individual story and more the second-order math. Multiply this dynamic by a few hundred thousand workers across every major metro. Overqualified labor flooding the service and gig economy pushed down wages for existing workers who were already struggling. Sector-specific disruption metastasized into economy-wide wage compression.

我们的一位朋友在 2025 年是 Salesforce 的高级产品经理。职位优厚,有医疗保险、401k 退休金计划,年薪 18 万美元。她在第三轮裁员中失去了工作。六个月的求职之后,她开始做 Uber 司机。收入骤降至 4.5 万美元。重点不在于个人经历,而在于更深层次的数学计算。将这种现象放大到每个主要都市的几十万劳动者身上。大量高技能劳动力涌入服务业和零工经济,进一步压低了原本就收入微薄的现有劳动者的工资。行业层面的冲击最终演变为整个经济领域的工资压缩。

The pool of remaining human-centric had another correction ahead of it, happening while we write this. As autonomous delivery and self-driving vehicles work their way through the gig economy that absorbed the first wave of displaced workers.

在我们撰写本文时,以人为本的经济体系还剩下一部分,即将迎来另一轮调整。与此同时,自动送货和自动驾驶汽车正在逐步渗透到零工经济中,而零工经济已经吸纳了第一批失业工人。

By February 2027, it was clear that still employed professionals were spending like they might be next. They were working twice as hard (mostly with the help of AI) just to not get fired, hopes of promotion or raises were gone. Savings rates ticked higher and spending softened.

到2027年2月,很明显,仍在职的专业人士开始像随时可能失业一样消费。他们加倍努力工作(大多借助人工智能),仅仅是为了保住饭碗,晋升或加薪的希望已经破灭。储蓄率略有上升,而消费支出则有所放缓。

The most dangerous part was the lag. High earners used their higher-than-average savings to maintain the appearance of normalcy for two or three quarters. The hard data didn’t confirm the problem until it was already old news in the real economy. Then came the print that broke the illusion.

最危险的部分在于滞后性。高收入者利用高于平均水平的储蓄,维持了两到三个季度的正常假象。直到实体经济中早已出现问题,确凿的数据才证实了这一点。随后,一些报道打破了这种假象。

U.S. INITIAL JOBLESS CLAIMS SURGE TO 487,000, HIGHEST SINCE APRIL 2020; Department of Labor, Q3 2027美国首次申请失业救济人数激增至48.7万人,为2020年4月以来最高;美国劳工部,2027年第三季度

Initial claims surged to 487,000, the highest since April 2020. ADP and Equifax confirmed that the overwhelming majority of new filings were from white-collar professionals.

首次申请失业救济人数激增至 48.7 万,为 2020 年 4 月以来的最高水平。ADP 和 Equifax 证实,绝大多数新增申请人都是白领专业人士。

The S&P dropped 6% over the following week. Negative macro started winning the tug of war.

标普500指数在接下来的一周下跌了6%。负面宏观经济形势开始占据上风。

In a normal recession, job losses are broadly distributed. Blue-collar and white-collar workers share the pain roughly in proportion to each segment’s share of employment. The consumption hit is also broadly distributed, and it shows up quickly in the data because lower-income workers have higher marginal propensities to consume.

在正常的经济衰退中,失业现象普遍存在。蓝领和白领工人所承受的痛苦大致与其各自在就业中所占的比例相符。消费受到的冲击也普遍存在,并且由于低收入工人的边际消费倾向较高,因此这种冲击会很快在数据中体现出来。

In this cycle, the job losses have been concentrated in the upper deciles of the income distribution. They are a relatively small share of total employment, but they drive a wildly disproportionate share of consumer spending. The top 10% of earners account for more than 50% of all consumer spending in the United States. The top 20% account for roughly 65%. These are the people who buy the houses, the cars, the vacations, the restaurant meals, the private school tuition, the home renovations. They are the demand base for the entire consumer discretionary economy.

在本轮经济周期中,失业主要集中在收入分配的顶层人群。虽然他们在总就业人数中所占比例相对较小,但却推动了不成比例的消费支出。收入最高的10%人群的消费支出占美国总消费支出的50%以上,而收入最高的20%人群的消费支出则占到约65%。这些人购买房屋、汽车、度假、外出就餐、支付私立学校学费、进行房屋装修。他们是整个非必需消费品经济的需求基础。

When these workers lost their jobs, or took 50% pay cuts to move into available roles, the consumption hit was enormous relative to the number of jobs lost. A 2% decline in white-collar employment translated to something like a 3-4% hit to discretionary consumer spending. Unlike blue-collar job losses, which tend to hit immediately (you get laid off from the factory, you stop spending next week), white-collar job losses have a lagged but deeper impact because these workers have savings buffers that allow them to maintain spending for a few months before the behavioral shift kicks in.

当这些工人失业,或为了填补空缺职位而接受50%的降薪时,相对于失业人数而言,消费受到的冲击是巨大的。白领就业人数下降2%会导致可自由支配的消费支出下降约3-4%。与蓝领失业往往立竿见影(工厂裁员后,下周就会停止消费)不同,白领失业的影响虽然滞后,但更为深远,因为这些工人有一定的储蓄缓冲,使他们能够在消费行为发生转变前的几个月内维持消费。

By Q2 2027, the economy was in recession. The NBER would not officially date the start until months later (they never do) but the data was unambiguous - we’d had two consecutive quarters of negative real GDP growth. But it wasn’t a “financial crisis”…yet.

到 2027 年第二季度,经济已经陷入衰退。美国国家经济研究局(NBER)直到几个月后才正式确定衰退的开始日期(他们一贯如此),但数据却很明确——我们已经连续两个季度经历了实际 GDP 负增长。但这还不是一场“金融危机”……至少当时还不是。


The Daisy Chain of Correlated Bets相关赌注的链式关系

Private credit had grown from under $1 trillion in 2015 to over $2.5 trillion by 2026. A meaningful share of that capital had been deployed into software and technology deals, many of them leveraged buyouts of SaaS companies at valuations that assumed mid-teens revenue growth in perpetuity.

私人信贷规模已从 2015 年的不到 1 万亿美元增长到 2026 年的超过 2.5 万亿美元。其中相当一部分资本被投入到软件和技术交易中,许多交易都是对 SaaS 公司的杠杆收购,估值假设这些公司的收入将永远保持两位数以上的增长。

Those assumptions died somewhere between the first agentic coding demo and the Q1 2026 software crash, but the marks didn’t seem to realize they were dead.

这些假设在第一个智能编码演示和 2026 年第一季度软件崩溃之间就已经破灭了,但目标受众似乎并没有意识到它们已经失效。

As many public SaaS companies traded to 5-8x EBITDA, PE-backed software companies sat on balance sheets at marks reflecting acquisition valuations on multiples of revenue that didn’t exist anymore. Managers eased the marks down gradually, 100 cents, 92, 85, all while public comps said 50.

许多上市 SaaS 公司的市盈率高达 5-8 倍,而私募股权支持的软件公司却依然维持着基于早已不复存在的营收倍数的收购估值。管理层逐步下调了这些估值,从 100 美分、92 美分到 85 美分,而同期上市同类公司的估值仅为 50 美分。

MOODY’S DOWNGRADES $18B OF PE-BACKED SOFTWARE DEBT ACROSS 14 ISSUERS, CITING ‘SECULAR REVENUE HEADWINDS FROM AI-DRIVEN COMPETITIVE DISRUPTION’; LARGEST SINGLE-SECTOR ACTION SINCE ENERGY IN 2015 | Moody’s Investors Service, April 2027穆迪下调14家发行人共计180亿美元的私募股权支持的软件债务评级,理由是“人工智能驱动的竞争颠覆带来的长期收入逆风”;这是自2015年能源行业以来规模最大的单一行业评级调整 | 穆迪投资者服务公司,2027年4月

Everyone remembers what happened after the downgrade. Industry veterans had already seen the playbook following the 2015 energy downgrades.

每个人都记得评级下调后发生的事情。业内资深人士在2015年能源评级下调后就已经看到了应对之策。

Software-backed loans began defaulting in Q3 2027. PE portfolio companies in information services and consulting followed. Several multi-billion dollar LBOs of well-known SaaS companies entered restructuring.

软件抵押贷款从 2027 年第三季度开始出现违约。私募股权投资组合中的信息服务和咨询公司也相继出现违约。多家知名 SaaS 公司数十亿美元的杠杆收购案也进入了重组阶段。

Zendesk was the smoking gun.

Zendesk 是确凿的证据。

ZENDESK MISSES DEBT COVENANTS AS AI-DRIVEN CUSTOMER SERVICE AUTOMATION ERODES ARR; $5B DIRECT LENDING FACILITY MARKED TO 58 CENTS; LARGEST PRIVATE CREDIT SOFTWARE DEFAULT ON RECORD | Financial Times, September 2027Zendesk 因人工智能驱动的客户服务自动化导致年度经常性收入下降,未能履行债务契约;50 亿美元直接贷款融资工具估值跌至每股 58 美分;创下史上最大规模私募信贷软件违约纪录 | 《金融时报》,2027 年 9 月

In 2022, Hellman & Friedman and Permira had taken Zendesk private for $10.2 billion. The debt package was $5 billion in direct lending, the largest ARR-backed facility in history at the time, led by Blackstone with Apollo, Blue Owl and HPS all in the lending group. The loan was explicitly structured around the assumption that Zendesk’s annual recurring revenue would remain recurring. At roughly 25x EBITDA, the leverage only made sense if it did.

2022 年,Hellman & Friedman 和 Permira 以 102 亿美元的价格将 Zendesk 私有化。这笔债务融资包括 50 亿美元的直接贷款,是当时史上规模最大的以年度经常性收入(ARR)为担保的融资,由黑石集团牵头,阿波罗全球管理公司(Apollo Global Management)、Blue Owl 和 HPS 等公司也参与了贷款。这笔贷款的结构明确基于 Zendesk 的年度经常性收入将保持持续增长的假设。大约 25 倍的 EBITDA 倍数,只有在 Zendesk 的年度经常性收入能够保持持续增长的情况下,这样的杠杆才有意义。

By mid-2027, it didn’t. 到 2027 年年中,这种情况并没有发生。

AI agents had been handling customer service autonomously for the better part of a year. The category Zendesk had defined (ticketing, routing, managing human support interactions) was already replaced by systems that resolved issues without generating a ticket at all. The Annualized Recurring Revenue the loan was underwritten against was no longer recurring, it was just revenue that hadn’t left yet.

人工智能代理已经自主处理客户服务近一年了。Zendesk 定义的类别(工单系统、路由、管理人工支持互动)已被无需生成工单即可解决问题的系统所取代。贷款所依据的年度经常性收入不再是经常性收入,而只是尚未支出的收入而已。

The largest ARR-backed loan in history became the largest private credit software default in history. Every credit desk asked the same question at once: who else has a secular headwind disguised as a cyclical one?

历史上规模最大的 ARR 担保贷款,最终却成了历史上规模最大的私人信贷软件违约案。所有信贷部门都异口同声地问了同一个问题:还有哪些公司面临着被伪装成周期性不利因素的长期不利因素?

But here’s what the consensus got right, at least initially: this should have been survivable.

但至少在最初,大家的共识有一点是正确的:这种情况本应是可以挺过去的。

Private credit is not 2008 banking. The whole architecture was explicitly designed to avoid forced selling. These are closed-end vehicles with locked-up capital. LPs committed for seven to ten years. There are no depositors to run, no repo lines to pull. The managers could sit on impaired assets, work them out over time, and wait for recoveries. Painful, but manageable. The system was such that it was supposed to bend, not break.

私募信贷并非2008年的银行业。其整个架构的设计初衷就是为了避免强制出售。这些都是封闭式基金,资金被锁定。有限合伙人承诺持有七到十年。没有存款人需要管理,也没有回购额度需要提取。基金经理可以持有不良资产,逐步解决,等待回收。虽然过程痛苦,但尚可控制。这套体系的设计初衷就是为了适应变化,而不是崩溃。

Executives at Blackstone, KKR and Apollo cited software exposure of 7-13% of assets. Containable. Every sell-side note and fintwit credit account said the same thing: private credit has permanent capital. They could absorb losses that would otherwise blow up a levered bank.

黑石、KKR 和阿波罗的高管都提到,软件风险敞口占资产的 7% 到 13%。这是可以控制的。所有卖方报告和金融科技媒体的信贷账户都表达了同样的观点:私募信贷拥有永久资本。它们能够吸收那些足以让杠杆银行破产的损失。

Permanent capital. The phrase showed up in every earnings call and investor letter meant to reassure. It became a mantra. And like most mantras, nobody paid attention to the finer details. Here’s what it actually meant…永久资本。 这句话出现在每一次财报电话会议和致投资者的信中,意在安抚人心。它成了一句口头禅。而就像大多数口头禅一样,没人关注其中的细节。它的真正含义是……

Over the prior decade, the large alternative asset managers had acquired life insurance companies and turned them into funding vehicles. Apollo bought Athene. Brookfield bought American Equity. KKR took Global Atlantic. The logic was elegant: annuity deposits provided a stable, long-duration liability base. The managers invested those deposits into the private credit they originated and got paid twice, earning spread over on the insurance side and management fees on the asset management side. A fee-on-fee perpetual motion machine that worked beautifully under one condition.

过去十年间,大型另类资产管理公司收购了多家寿险公司,并将它们改造成融资工具。阿波罗收购了雅典娜,布鲁克菲尔德收购了美国股权,KKR 收购了环球大西洋。其逻辑十分巧妙:年金存款构成了一个稳定且期限较长的负债基础。管理者将这些存款投资于他们发起的私募信贷,从而获得双重收益:一方面是保险业务的收益,另一方面是资产管理业务的管理费。这就像一台永动机,在特定条件下运转良好。

The private credit had to be money good.私人信贷必须是优质货币。

The losses hit balance sheets built to hold illiquid assets against long-duration obligations. The “permanent capital” that was supposed to make the system resilient was not some abstract pool of patient institutional money and sophisticated investors taking sophisticated risk. It was the savings of American households, “Main Street”, structured as annuities invested in the same PE-backed software and technology paper that was now defaulting. The locked-up capital that couldn’t run was life insurance policyholder money, and the rules are a bit different there.

这些损失冲击了那些旨在持有非流动性资产以应对长期债务的资产负债表。原本应该使系统保持韧性的“永久资本”并非某种抽象的、由耐心等待的机构资金和承担高风险的成熟投资者组成的资金池,而是美国家庭——“普通民众”——的储蓄,这些储蓄以年金的形式投资于如今违约的、由私募股权支持的软件和科技债券。而那些无法运转的被锁定资本则是人寿保险保单持有人的资金,而这方面的规则则略有不同。

Compared to the banking system, insurance regulators had been docile - even complacent - but this was the wake-up call. Already uneasy about private credit concentrations at life insurers, they began downgrading the risk-based capital treatment of these assets. That forced the insurers to either raise capital or sell assets, neither of which was possible at attractive terms in a market already seizing up.

与银行体系相比,保险监管机构此前一直较为温和,甚至有些自满,但这次事件犹如当头棒喝。他们原本就对寿险公司私人信贷集中度感到不安,于是开始下调这些资产的风险资本评级。这迫使保险公司要么筹集资金,要么出售资产,但在市场已经趋于僵化的情况下,这两种方式都难以获得理想的条件。

NEW YORK, IOWA STATE REGULATORS MOVE TO TIGHTEN CAPITAL TREATMENT FOR CERTAIN PRIVATELY RATED CREDIT HELD BY LIFE INSURERS; NAIC GUIDANCE EXPECTED TO INCREASE RBC FACTORS AND TRIGGER ADDITIONAL SVO SCRUTINY | Reuters, Nov 2027纽约州和爱荷华州监管机构计划收紧对寿险公司持有的某些私人评级信贷的资本处理;预计 NAIC 的指导意见将提高 RBC 系数并引发额外的 SVO 审查 | 路透社,2027 年 11 月

When Moody’s put Athene’s financial strength rating on negative outlook, Apollo’s stock dropped 22% in two sessions. Brookfield, KKR, and the others followed.

穆迪将 Athene 的财务实力评级展望下调至负面后,阿波罗的股价在两个交易日内下跌了 22%。布鲁克菲尔德、KKR 和其他公司的股价也相继下跌。

It only got more complex from there. These firms hadn’t just created their insurer perpetual motion machine, they’d built an elaborate offshore architecture designed to maximize returns through regulatory arbitrage.The US insurer wrote the annuity, then ceded the risk to an affiliated Bermuda or Cayman reinsurer it also owned - set up to take advantage of more flexible regulation that permitted holding less capital against the same assets. That affiliate raised outside capital through offshore SPVs, a new layer of counterparties who invested alongside insurers into private credit originated by the same parent’s asset management arm.

事情远不止于此。这些公司不仅打造了其保险业的永动机,还构建了一套精心设计的离岸架构,旨在通过监管套利实现收益最大化。美国保险公司承保年金,然后将风险转移给其拥有的百慕大或开曼群岛的关联再保险公司——这些再保险公司设立的目的是为了利用更灵活的监管环境,允许以更少的资本持有相同的资产。该关联公司通过离岸特殊目的公司(SPV)筹集外部资本,这些 SPV 构成了一个新的交易对手层,它们与保险公司一起投资于同一母公司资产管理部门发行的私募信贷。

The ratings agencies, some of which were themselves PE-owned, had not been paragons of transparency (surprising to virtually) no one. The spider web of different firms linked to different balance sheets was stunning in its opacity. When the underlying loans defaulted, the question of who actually bore the loss was genuinely unanswerable in real time.

这些评级机构,其中一些本身就是私募股权公司所有,其透明度一直都不怎么样(这几乎是人尽皆知的)。错综复杂的公司关系网,以及与之相关的各种资产负债表,其不透明程度令人震惊。当基础贷款违约时,究竟谁来承担损失,这个问题在当时根本无法得到确切答案。

The November 2027 crash marked the transition of perception from a potentially garden-variety cyclical drawdown to something much more uncomfortable. “A daisy chain of correlated bets on white collar productivity growth” was what Fed Chair Kevin Warsh called it during the FOMC’s emergency November meeting. 2027 年 11 月的崩盘标志着人们对此次经济衰退的看法发生了转变,从原本可能只是普通的周期性回调,转变为更加令人不安的局面。 美联储主席凯文·沃什在 11 月联邦公开市场委员会(FOMC)紧急会议上将其描述为 “一系列押注白领生产力增长的关联性押注”

See, it is never the losses themselves that cause the crisis. It’s recognizing them. And there is another, much larger, much much more important area of finance for which we have grown fearful of that recognition.

你看,真正引发危机的从来不是损失本身,而是对损失的认知。而金融领域还有另一个规模更大、重要得多的领域,我们却对这种认知感到恐惧。

The Mortgage Question 抵押贷款问题

ZILLOW HOME VALUE INDEX FALLS 11% YOY IN SAN FRANCISCO, 9% IN SEATTLE, 8% IN AUSTIN; FANNIE MAE FLAGS ‘ELEVATED EARLY-STAGE DELINQUENCIES’ IN ZIP CODES WITH >40% TECH/FINANCE EMPLOYMENT | Zillow / Fannie Mae, June 2028Zillow 房价指数同比下跌:旧金山 11%,西雅图 9%,奥斯汀 8%;房利美指出,科技/金融就业率超过 40%的邮政编码区域“早期违约率居高不下” | Zillow / 房利美,2028 年 6 月

This month the Zillow Home Value Index fell 11% year-over-year in San Francisco, 9% in Seattle and 8% in Austin. This hasn’t been the only worrying headline. Last month, Fannie Mae flagged higher early-stage delinquency from jumbo-heavy ZIP codes - areas that are populated by 780+ credit score borrowers and typically “bulletproof”.

本月,Zillow 房价指数同比下跌,旧金山下跌 11%,西雅图下跌 9%,奥斯汀下跌 8%。但这并非唯一令人担忧的消息。上个月,房利美指出,在信用评分极高的邮政编码区域(这些区域居住着信用评分 780 分以上的借款人,通常被认为是“铁证如山”),早期违约率有所上升。

The US residential mortgage market is approximately $13 trillion. Mortgage underwriting is built on the fundamental assumption that the borrower will remain employed at roughly their current income level for the duration of the loan. For thirty years, in the case of most mortgages.

美国住房抵押贷款市场规模约为13万亿美元。抵押贷款承销的基本假设是,借款人将在贷款期限内保持大致相同的收入水平。大多数抵押贷款的期限为30年。

The white-collar employment crisis has threatened this assumption with a sustained shift in income expectations. We now have to ask a question that seemed absurd just 3 years ago - are prime mortgages money good?白领就业危机导致收入预期持续转变,对这一假设构成了威胁。我们现在不得不问一个三年前还显得荒谬的问题—— 优质抵押贷款的资金真的好吗?

Every prior mortgage crisis in US history has been driven by one of three things: speculative excess (lending to people who couldn’t afford the homes, as in 2008), interest rate shocks (rising rates making adjustable-rate mortgages unaffordable, as in the early 1980s), or localized economic shocks (a single industry collapsing in a single region, like oil in Texas in the 1980s or auto in Michigan in 2009).

美国历史上每一次抵押贷款危机都是由以下三种因素之一造成的:投机过度(向买不起房的人放贷,如 2008 年),利率冲击(利率上升导致可调利率抵押贷款难以负担,如 20 世纪 80 年代初),或局部经济冲击(单一行业在单一地区崩溃,如 20 世纪 80 年代德克萨斯州的石油危机或 2009 年密歇根州的汽车危机)。

None of these apply here. The borrowers in question are not subprime. They’re 780 FICO scores. They put 20% down. They have clean credit histories, stable employment records, and incomes that were verified and documented at origination. They were the borrowers that every risk model in the financial system treats as the bedrock of credit quality.

以上情况均不适用。这些借款人并非次级借款人。他们的 FICO 信用评分高达 780 分。他们支付了 20%的首付。他们信用记录良好,就业稳定,收入在贷款发放时均经过核实和证明。他们是金融体系中所有风险模型都视为信用质量基石的借款人。

In 2008, the loans were bad on day one. In 2028, the loans were good on day one. The world just…changed after the loans were written. People borrowed against a future they can no longer afford to believe in.

2008年的贷款从一开始就是坏账。2028年的贷款从一开始就是好账。世界在贷款发放后发生了翻天覆地的变化。人们借钱是为了一个他们再也无法相信的未来。

In 2027, we flagged early signs of invisible stress: HELOC draws, 401(k) withdrawals, and credit card debt spiking while mortgage payments remained current. As jobs were lost, hiring was frozen and bonuses cut, these prime households saw their debt-to-income ratios double.

2027 年,我们注意到了一些隐性压力的早期迹象:房屋净值信用额度(HELOC)提取、401(k)退休金提取以及信用卡债务激增,而抵押贷款还款却按时进行。随着失业、招聘冻结和奖金削减,这些优质家庭的负债收入比翻了一番。

They could still make the mortgage payment, but only by stopping all discretionary spending, draining savings, and deferring any home maintenance or improvement. They were technically current on their mortgage, but just one more shock away from distress, and the trajectory of AI capabilities suggested that shock is coming. Then we saw delinquencies begin to spike in San Francisco, Seattle, Manhattan and Austin, even as the national average stayed within historical norms.

他们仍然可以偿还房贷,但前提是停止所有非必要支出,耗尽积蓄,并推迟任何房屋维护或修缮。从技术上讲,他们的房贷还款情况良好,但距离陷入困境仅一步之遥,而人工智能的发展轨迹表明,这种冲击即将到来。随后,我们看到旧金山、西雅图、曼哈顿和奥斯汀的房贷拖欠率开始飙升,而全国平均水平仍保持在历史正常范围内。

We’re now in the most acute stage. Falling home prices are manageable when the marginal buyer is healthy. Here, the marginal buyer is dealing with the same income impairment.

我们现在正处于最严峻的阶段。如果普通购房者经济状况良好,房价下跌尚可承受。但现在,普通购房者也面临着同样的收入下滑问题。

While concerns are building, we are not yet in a full-blown mortgage crisis. Delinquencies have risen but remain well below 2008 levels. It is the trajectory that’s the real threat.

尽管担忧情绪日益加剧,但我们尚未陷入全面的抵押贷款危机。拖欠率有所上升,但仍远低于2008年的水平。真正的威胁在于拖欠率的发展趋势。

The Intelligence Displacement Spiral now has two financial accelerants to the real economy’s decline.

情报人员流失螺旋现在有两个金融因素加速了实体经济的衰退。

Labor displacement, mortgage concerns, private market turmoil. Each reinforces the other. And the traditional policy toolkit (rate cuts, QE) can address the financial engine but cannot address the real economy engine, because the real economy engine is not driven by tight financial conditions. It’s driven by AI making human intelligence less scarce and less valuable. You can cut rates to zero and buy every MBS and all the defaulted software LBO debt in the market…

劳动力流失、抵押贷款担忧、私人市场动荡,这些因素相互强化。传统的政策工具(降息、量化宽松)可以应对金融引擎,但却无法解决实体经济引擎的问题,因为实体经济引擎并非由紧缩的金融环境驱动,而是由人工智能驱动,人工智能使得人类智能不再稀缺,价值也随之降低。即使将利率降至零,并买断市场上所有的抵押贷款支持证券(MBS)和所有违约的软件杠杆收购(LBO)债务……

It won’t change the fact that a Claude agent can do the work of a $180,000 product manager for $200/month.

但这并不会改变这样一个事实:一名 Claude 经纪人每月只需 200 美元就能完成一名年薪 18 万美元的产品经理的工作。

If these fears manifest, the mortgage market cracks in the back half of this year. In that scenario, we’d expect the current drawdown in equities to ultimately rival that of the GFC (57% peak-to-trough). This would bring the S&P500 to ~3500 - levels we haven’t seen since the month before the ChatGPT moment in November 2022.

如果这些担忧成真,抵押贷款市场将在今年下半年崩溃。在这种情况下,我们预计当前股市的跌幅最终将与全球金融危机时期(从峰值到谷底下跌 57%)的跌幅不相上下。这将使标普 500 指数跌至约 3500 点——这是我们自 2022 年 11 月 ChatGPT 事件发生前一个月以来从未见过的水平。

What’s clear is that the income assumptions underlying $13 trillion in residential mortgages are structurally impaired. What isn’t is whether policy can intervene before the mortgage market fully processes what this means. We’re hopeful, but we can’t deny the reasons not to be.

显而易见的是,支撑13万亿美元住房抵押贷款的收入假设存在结构性缺陷。但尚不清楚的是,在抵押贷款市场完全消化这一缺陷的影响之前,政策能否及时介入。我们抱有希望,但也不能否认存在令人担忧的因素。


The Battle Against Time 与时间的战斗

The first negative feedback loop was in the real economy: AI capability improves, payroll shrinks, spending softens, margins tighten, companies buy more capability, capability improves. Then it turned financial: income impairment hit mortgages, bank losses tightened credit, the wealth effect cracked, and the feedback loop sped up. And both of these have been exacerbated by an insufficient policy response from a government that seems, quite frankly, confused.

第一个负反馈循环出现在实体经济中:人工智能能力提升,工资支出减少,消费放缓,利润率下降,企业购买更多人工智能产品,人工智能能力进一步提升。随后,负反馈循环蔓延至金融领域:收入减少冲击抵押贷款,银行亏损导致信贷紧缩,财富效应失效,反馈循环加速。而政府应对政策的不足,以及政府似乎对此感到困惑,都加剧了上述两种情况。

The system wasn’t designed for a crisis like this. The federal government’s revenue base is essentially a tax on human time. People work, firms pay them, the government takes a cut. Individual income and payroll taxes are the spine of receipts in normal years.

这套系统并非为应对此类危机而设计。联邦政府的收入来源本质上是对人时间的征税。人们工作,企业支付工资,政府从中抽取一部分。在正常年份,个人所得税和工资税是财政收入的主要来源。

Through Q1 of this year, federal receipts were running 12% below CBO baseline projections. Payroll receipts are falling because fewer people are employed at prior compensation levels. Income tax receipts are falling because the incomes being earned are structurally lower. Productivity is surging, but the gains are flowing to capital and compute, not labor.

今年第一季度,联邦财政收入比国会预算办公室(CBO)的基准预测低 12%。工资收入下降是因为目前就业人数减少,且薪酬水平仍维持在之前的水平。所得税收入下降是因为收入结构性降低。生产率虽然大幅提高,但收益流向了资本和计算机,而非劳动力。

Labor’s share of GDP declined from 64% in 1974 to 56% in 2024, a four-decade grind lower driven by globalization, automation, and the steady erosion of worker bargaining power. In the four years since AI began its exponential improvement, that has dropped to 46%. The sharpest decline on record.

劳动收入占 GDP 的比重从 1974 年的 64%下降到 2024 年的 56%,这一持续四十年的缓慢下降趋势是由全球化、自动化以及工人议价能力的不断削弱所致。而自人工智能开始呈指数级增长以来的四年间,这一比重已降至 46%,创历史最大降幅。

The output is still there. But it’s no longer routing through households on the way back to firms, which means it’s no longer routing through the IRS either. The circular flow is breaking, and the government is expected to step in to fix that.

产出依然存在。但它不再像以前那样通过家庭流回企业,这意味着它也不再经过美国国税局。循环流程正在中断,预计政府将介入修复这一问题。

As in every downturn, outlays rise just as receipts fall. The difference this time is that the spending pressure is not cyclical. Automatic stabilizers were built for temporary job losses, not structural displacement. The system is paying benefits that assume workers will be reabsorbed. Many will not, at least not at anything like their prior wage. During COVID, the government freely embraced 15% deficits, but it was understood to be temporary. The people who need government support today were not hit by a pandemic they’ll recover from. They were replaced by a technology that continues to improve.

如同以往的经济衰退一样,支出增加的同时收入却在下降。但这次的不同之处在于,支出压力并非周期性的。自动稳定器原本是为应对暂时性失业而设立的,而非结构性失业。目前的福利制度假设工人能够重新就业。然而,许多人无法重返工作岗位,至少无法获得与之前相近的工资。新冠疫情期间,政府欣然接受了15%的财政赤字,但当时人们普遍认为这只是暂时的。如今需要政府援助的人们并非遭受了可以康复的疫情冲击,而是被不断进步的技术所取代。

The government needs to transfer more money to households at precisely the moment it is collecting less money from them in taxes.政府需要向家庭转移更多资金,恰恰是在政府从家庭收取的税收减少的时候。

The U.S. won’t default. It prints the currency it spends, the same currency it uses to pay back borrowers. But this stress has shown up elsewhere. Municipal bonds are showing worrying signs of dispersion in year-to-date performance. States without income tax have been okay, but general obligation munis issued by states dependent on income tax (majority blue states) began to price in some default risk. Politicos caught on quickly, and the debate over who gets bailed out has fallen along partisan lines.

美国不会违约。它印钞是为了支出,也用同样的货币偿还借款。但这种压力已经显现在其他领域。市政债券年初至今的表现呈现出令人担忧的分化迹象。不征收所得税的州表现尚可,但依赖所得税的州(大多是民主党控制的州)发行的普通市政债券开始反映出一定的违约风险。政客们很快意识到了这一点,关于谁应该获得救助的争论也逐渐演变成党派之争。

The administration, to its credit, recognized the structural nature of the crisis early and began entertaining bipartisan proposals for what they’re calling the “Transition Economy Act”: a framework for direct transfers to displaced workers funded by a combination of deficit spending and a proposed tax on AI inference compute.

值得称赞的是,本届政府很早就认识到了这场危机的结构性本质,并开始考虑两党提出的所谓“转型经济法案”:该法案旨在通过赤字支出和拟议的人工智能推理计算税相结合的方式,向失业工人提供直接转移支付。

The most radical proposal on the table goes further. The “Shared AI Prosperity Act” would establish a public claim on the returns of the intelligence infrastructure itself, something between a sovereign wealth fund and a royalty on AI-generated output, with dividends funding household transfers. Private sector lobbyists have flooded the media with warnings about the slippery slope.

摆在桌面上的最激进的提案更进一步。“共享人工智能繁荣法案”将建立一项公共权利,对人工智能基础设施本身的收益提出要求,类似于主权财富基金和人工智能产出收益的特许权使用费,其收益将用于家庭转移支付。私营部门的游说者们纷纷向媒体发出警告,指出此举可能引发严重的后果。

The politics behind the discussions have been grimly predictable, exacerbated by grandstanding and brinksmanship. The right calls transfers and redistribution Marxism and warns that taxing compute hands the lead to China. The left warns that a tax drafted with the help of incumbents becomes regulatory capture by another name. Fiscal hawks point to unsustainable deficits. Doves point to the premature austerity imposed after the GFC as a cautionary tale. The divide is only magnifying in the run up to this year’s presidential election.

这些讨论背后的政治博弈令人沮丧地在意料之中,而哗众取宠和边缘政策更是加剧了这种局面。右翼将转移支付和再分配称为马克思主义,并警告说,对计算机征税会将领先优势拱手让给中国。左翼则警告说,在现任官员的帮助下制定的税收政策,不过是换了个名字的监管俘获。财政鹰派指出,财政赤字不可持续。鸽派则以全球金融危机后过早实施的财政紧缩政策为例,警示后患。随着今年总统大选的临近,这种分歧只会愈演愈烈。

While the politicians bicker, the social fabric is fraying faster than the legislative process can move.

政客们还在争吵不休,社会结构的瓦解速度却远远超过了立法进程的推进速度。

The Occupy Silicon Valley movement has been emblematic of wider dissatisfaction. Last month, demonstrators blockaded the entrances to Anthropic and OpenAI’s San Francisco offices for three weeks straight. Their numbers are growing, and the demonstrations have drawn more media coverage than the unemployment data that prompted them.

“占领硅谷”运动象征着更广泛的不满情绪。上个月,示威者连续三周封锁了 Anthropic 和 OpenAI 位于旧金山的办公室入口。示威人数不断增加,而引发示威活动的媒体报道量甚至超过了最初引发示威的失业数据。

It’s hard to imagine the public hating anyone more than the bankers in the fallout of the GFC, but the AI labs are making a run at it. And, from the perspective of the masses, for good reason. Their founders and early investors have accumulated wealth at a pace that makes the Gilded Age look tame. The gains from the productivity boom accruing almost entirely to the owners of compute and the shareholders of the labs that ran on it has magnified US inequality to unprecedented levels.

很难想象在金融危机之后,公众会比银行家更憎恨谁,但人工智能实验室正在迎头赶上。从大众的角度来看,这也不无道理。它们的创始人及早期投资者积累财富的速度,令镀金时代都显得温和。生产力飙升带来的收益几乎全部落入了计算资源的拥有者和相关实验室的股东手中,这使得美国的贫富差距达到了前所未有的程度。

Every side has their own villain, but the real villain is time.

各方都有自己的反派,但真正的反派是时间。

AI capability is evolving faster than institutions can adapt. The policy response is moving at the pace of ideology, not reality. If the government doesn’t agree on what the problem is soon, the feedback loop will write the next chapter for them.

人工智能能力的演进速度远超现有机构的适应能力。政策应对的步伐受意识形态而非现实的驱动。如果政府不能尽快就问题的根源达成共识,那么反馈循环将决定其未来的走向。


The Intelligence Premium Unwind情报高级版解散

For the entirety of modern economic history, human intelligence has been the scarce input. Capital was abundant (or at least, replicable). Natural resources were finite but substitutable. Technology improved slowly enough that humans could adapt. Intelligence, the ability to analyze, decide, create, persuade, and coordinate, was the thing that could not be replicated at scale.

纵观整个现代经济史,人类智慧始终是稀缺资源。资本丰富(或者至少可以复制)。自然资源有限但可以替代。技术进步缓慢,人类能够适应。而智慧,即分析、决策、创造、说服和协调的能力,却是无法大规模复制的。

Human intelligence derived its inherent premium from its scarcity. Every institution in our economy, from the labor market to the mortgage market to the tax code, was designed for a world in which that assumption held.

人类智慧的固有优势源于其稀缺性。我们经济体系中的每一个机构,从劳动力市场到抵押贷款市场再到税法,都是基于这一假设而设计的。

We are now experiencing the unwind of that premium. Machine intelligence is now a competent and rapidly improving substitute for human intelligence across a growing range of tasks. The financial system, optimized over decades for a world of scarce human minds, is repricing. That repricing is painful, disorderly, and far from complete.

我们现在正经历着这种溢价的消退。机器智能如今已成为人类智能在日益广泛的任务领域中高效且快速发展的替代品。金融体系经过数十年的优化,以适应人类人才稀缺的世界,如今正在重新定价。这种重新定价的过程是痛苦的、混乱的,而且远未完成。

But repricing is not the same as collapse.

但重新定价并不等同于崩溃。

The economy can find a new equilibrium. Getting there is one of the few tasks left that only humans can do. We need to do it correctly.

经济可以找到新的平衡点。实现这一目标,是目前仅存的少数只有人类才能完成的任务之一。我们需要正确地完成这项任务。

This is the first time in history the most productive asset in the economy has produced fewer, not more, jobs. Nobody’s framework fits, because none were designed for a world where the scarce input became abundant. So we have to make new frameworks. Whether we build them in time is the only question that matters.这是历史上首次出现经济中最具生产力的资产反而导致就业岗位减少而非增加的情况。没有任何现有的框架能够适用,因为没有任何框架是为稀缺投入变得丰富的世界而设计的。因此,我们必须建立新的框架。 而我们能否及时建立这些框架,才是唯一重要的问题。

But you’re not reading this in June 2028. You’re reading it in February 2026.但你读到这篇文章的时候,不是2028年6月,而是2026年2月。

The S&P is near all-time highs. The negative feedback loops have not begun. We are certain some of these scenarios won’t materialize. We’re equally certain that machine intelligence will continue to accelerate. The premium on human intelligence will narrow.标普500指数接近历史高位,负面反馈循环尚未启动。我们确信其中一些情景不会发生。我们也同样确信,机器智能将继续加速发展,人类智能的溢价将会缩小。

As investors, we still have time to assess how much of our portfolios are built upon assumptions that won’t survive the decade. As a society, we still have time to be proactive.作为投资者,我们仍有时间评估我们的投资组合中有多少是基于那些无法经受住十年考验的假设而构建的。作为社会成员,我们仍有时间采取积极主动的措施。

The canary is still alive.金丝雀还活着。

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